Introduction:
Arab-African relations have evolved significantly over time, founded as they have been on mutual benefits and shared interests. While their importance has been constant for both parties, the nature of that significance has shifted across different historical eras. In the modern age, these bonds have been strengthened by a common cause and destiny: confronting European colonialism. This shared struggle, of course, necessitated unity and cooperation, first to expel the colonizer and then to prevent their return to Africa in any disguised form. As many nations achieved liberation in the twentieth century, newly independent states established coalitions to aid those still under the yoke of colonial rule. These efforts were facilitated by deep-seated historical ties, making Arab-African solidarity both a feasible and natural development. Which is why the history of Arab-African relations is a vital dimension of African history itself and of human history, alike.
Between 1957 and 1966, Egyptian-Ghanaian relations epitomized the spirit of Arab-African cooperation. Under Gamal Abdenasser, Egypt assumed a pioneering role in the struggle against colonialism. Having successfully expelled the British in 1956, broken the Western arms’ monopoly via the Czech arms’ deal, and rebuffed Western military alliances, Egypt helped found the Non-Aligned Movement and nationalized the Suez Canal. From this position of strength, Cairo adopted a policy geared towards supporting colonized peoples, particularly in Africa. This involved backing southern liberation movements to secure the Nile’s waters, striving to free North Africa, and subsequently extending its liberatory efforts westward, despite the obstacles encountered. Ghana’s independence in 1957 presented a pivotal opportunity, allowing Egypt to forge a strong alliance with Accra as a milestone in its broader campaign aimed at achieving total liberation of Africa notwithstanding the challenges ahead.
Ghana achieved its independence on March 6, 1957, becoming the first sub-Saharan African nation to liberate itself from colonial rule. This independence, however, was largely nominal, as the country remained politically and economically bound to Western powers, notably Britain and the United States. To secure genuine autonomy and achieve comprehensive development, Kwame Nkrumah’s government recognized the necessity of confronting any pervasive Western influence. In Nasser’s Egypt, Ghana found an ideal partner, united as the two countries were by their shared experience of British colonialism and parallel revolutionary spirit. Consequently, Ghana committed to close cooperation with Egypt, while pursuing political and economic independence through a comprehensive partnership spanning to cover bilateral, regional, and international levels.
For this reason, during this period, Egyptian-Ghanaian relations were but one episode in the broader confrontation between the revolutionary forces in the Third World and colonial powers. In these relations, the principle of challenge/response was conspicuous. The course of relations unfolded as a dynamic political interaction between Egypt and Ghana, on the one hand, and the colonial powers, on the other—a sequence patterned on action, reaction, and counter-reaction. Within this context, our purpose in this paper resides in a discussion of the interaction between Nasserism and Nkrumaism in its simplest form, without delving into their philosophical underpinnings or ideological complexities. Such theoretical elaborations, in fact, started to emerge forcefully only after the demise of the two leaders, following the overthrow of Nkrumah’s regime in Ghana in February 1966 and the death of President Abdennasser in September 1970.
The Determinants of Egyptian-Ghanaian Relations:
The roots of the relationship between Egypt and Ghana go back to the period of British colonial rule. The first instance of cooperation occurred in 1924, when Egypt—at the request of the British authorities[1] —helped the Gold Coast contain an outbreak of rinderpest by supplying necessary vaccines.[2] This episode reflected the existence of early ties between the two countries, albeit under colonial supervision.[3]
The 1955 Bandung Conference marked the true beginning of Egyptian-Ghanaian relations. Egypt participated in the event as a full-fledged member,[4] while the Gold Coast attended simply as an observer[5] —its first significant move towards international recognition. The conference inspired Ghanaian leader Kwame Nkrumah to adopt a policy of non-alignment and to emulate such leaders as Nasser, Nehru, and Tito.[6] From that point onward, both Egyptian and Ghanaian leadership became increasingly aware of the importance of future cooperation in the pursuit of independence and development.[7]
Another determinant of the relationship was the strategic position of the two countries. Egypt’s position in the northeastern corner of Africa made it impossible for it to remain indifferent to events on the continent. As President Gamal Abdenasser once stated:
Can we ignore the fact that there exists a continent—Africa—into which destiny has placed us, and where a fierce struggle is raging over its future? This struggle will inevitably affect us, for better or worse, whether we like it or not. It is no coincidence that our country lies in the northeastern part of Africa, overlooking the Dark Continent, where the most intense struggle is presently taking place between the white colonizers and its black over its countless resources.[8]
Ghana’s geographical position also held considerable strategic significance for the Egyptian leadership. Bordered on the east, west, and north by French colonies and overlooking the Atlantic Ocean to the south, Ghana occupied a position that made it particularly valuable for Egypt as a means of exerting pressure on France to relax its colonial grip on Algeria.[9] At the same time, Ghana’s position made it a focal point of contention between the United States and the Soviet Union: Washington regarded it as a natural extension of its sphere of influence due to its former British colonial status, while Moscow sought to draw it into its orbit in Africa. Egypt thus recognized the importance of establishing some presence in Ghana, viewing it as a strategic gateway to expand its influence in West Africa and to counterbalance American influence in the region.[10]
The revolutionary élite in Egypt played a key role in shaping the country’s foreign policy, particularly after Nasser’s victory in the 1956 Suez Canal Crisis, which enabled him to shore up his relations with African liberation movements that regarded him as a powerful ally.[11] Abdenasser championed African causes and continued to challenge colonialism. Interestingly, in his book titled, The Philosophy of the Revolution, he articulated Egypt’s commitment to supporting liberation movements both materially and morally.[12] He also established special departments for African affairs, affirming that Egypt’s three policy spheres—Arab, African, and Islamic—were interrelated and mutually reinforcing, and that Africa had a vital role to play in resolving Middle-Eastern issues.[13] Following Ghana’s independence in March 1957, President Kwame Nkrumah called for the liberation of all African peoples, declaring that Ghana’s role did not end with its own independence but indeed extended to assisting others in their ongoing struggle. He insisted that Africans must demonstrate their capacity for self-governance and for building independent, unified states.[14] Moreover, he opened Ghana’s doors to all Africans and people of African descent, proclaiming it to be the homeland of the Black man—a place where they could, for the first time since slavery,[15] experience genuine freedom.
It was indeed through this convergence of historical experiences that the two leaders came to regard one another with admiration. The Suez Crisis first drew Nkrumah’s attention to President Jamal Abdennasser, while Ghana’s independence—as the first sub-Saharan African country to free itself from the yoke of British colonial rule—attracted Abdennasser’s attention to Nkrumah.[16] The most emblematic personal connection between the two was Nkrumah’s marriage to Fatiha Halim Rizk, an Egyptian woman, in December 1957, a union concluded with the knowledge and approval of the Egyptian leadership. President Abdennasser even dispatched a special envoy to attend the wedding and to bestow on Nkrumah the Order of the Nile. The British Governor-General noted that this marriage could serve to compensate for the late start in Egyptian-Ghanaian relations.[17] The event was a resounding surprise to the colonial powers in Africa, who realized that Egypt had indeed succeeded in establishing a strategic presence in newly-independent Ghana.[18]
Both leaders thus met on a common ideological ground—socialist orientation, revolutionary thought, and nationalist vision. Abdennasser and Nkrumah shared the conviction that socialism was the only system capable of providing their people with a decent life in the shortest possible time, for it entailed collective ownership of the means of production—that is, land and resources—and the use of those means for the benefit of the people, at large.[19] Revolutionary ideology, likewise, remained a unifying force in the relations between the two countries, as both leaders asserted that a revolutionary approach to the liberation of Africa was essential in confronting imperialism across the continent.[20] As for nationalism, it served as another foundation of Egyptian-Ghanaian relations. At the beginning of the July 1952 Revolution, Abdennasser emphasized Egypt’s Arab identity, affirming that Arab nationalism was the cornerstone of its regional engagement—the first sphere of its political orientation—followed respectively by African and Islamic spheres. Nkrumah, by contrast, operated within a single framework: Pan-Africanism. Consequently, Egyptian-Ghanaian relations became a vivid example of the convergence between Arab and African nationalisms, with both leaders viewing the interaction between them as a decisive factor in the confrontation of Western colonial powers.[21]
They were likewise bound by a shared aspiration to realize a set of common goals and ideals. Foremost among these was the attainment of independence for all the nations on the African continent. In his Philosophy of the Revolution, Jamal Abdennasser stated that Egypt could not remain an idle observer in the face of colonial domination in Africa, declaring: “if I then turn to the second sphere—the sphere of the African continent—without elaboration or prolixity: that we cannot in any way—even if we so desired—stand aloof from the terrible and bloody conflicts raging today in the heart of Africa between five million whites and two hundred million Africans.”[22] For his part, Kwame Nkrumah, upon Ghana’s attainment of independence on March 6, 1957, proclaimed that this historic event filled the peoples of Africa with boundless joy and jubilation, for Ghana was the first Black nation in sub-Saharan Africa to achieve sovereignty.[23] Such an achievement served as a powerful catalyst, inspiring other African peoples to pursue their own liberation. Nkrumah’s philosophy rested on the conviction that all African nations and peoples must unite so that the continent, as a whole, might attain freedom and progress. He asserted that specific shared factors bound the newly-independent African states to one another—which factors should impel them to cooperate and integrate in the pursuit of their common goals. These, he argued, would also shape Africa’s relationships with the wider world: the collective desire of independent nations to see Africa wholly free and sovereign; the determination of African states to conduct their foreign policies on the principles of non-alignment; and the urgent need for economic emancipation and development.[24]
Moreover, both Egypt and Ghana adopted the principle of non-alignment and positive neutrality, regarding it as the most suitable path for newly-independent African states, as it would allow them to express their positions on international issues freely and independently.[25] A third and central objective was the pursuit of African unity. Egypt sought to promote this unity as a means to resist European colonialism and to raise the challenges facing the continent. Nkrumah, by contrast, envisioned an even deeper form of Pan-Africanism; he went so far as to include in Ghana’s constitution a clause allowing for the voluntary cession of national sovereignty to a prospective African union. To advance his vision, Nkrumah collaborated with George Padmore, through their conception of unity diverged. Padmore advocated a federation confined to sub-Saharan Africa, whereas Nkrumah envisioned a continental union encompassing all of Africa, without any distinctions.[26] Egypt, for its part, viewed African unity as inseparable from Asian solidarity—particularly within the framework of the United Nations—given the shared struggles and aspirations of the two continents, whose alignment would strengthen their collective stance against Western imperialism.[27]
Political Relations between the Two States
In the aftermath of African independence, the colonial powers—foremost among them, Great Britain—sought to forestall the establishment of relations between Egypt and Ghana. They feared that an alliance between two revolutionary government might endanger their political and economic interests on the continent.[28] To that end, they erected barriers to communication between the two nations and bound Ghana within a network of direct ties to the West—particularly Britain, the United States, and Israel—thus securing its place within the Western sphere of influence.[29] In response, Egypt, under the leadership of Jamal Abdennasser, undertook deliberate efforts to breach this siege. It capitalized on the revolutionary orientation of Ghana’s ruling élite to cultivate firm and purposeful relations aimed at resisting colonial domination.[30] In so doing, Egypt successfully penetrated the British-imposed blockade and progressively contributed to the erosion of British influence in Ghana, despite London’s attempts to preserve it under the nominal framework of the Commonwealth.[31]
The leadership of both countries also succeeded in confronting the renewed colonial pressures that followed the proclamation of the United Arab Republic in February 1958—an event that even bolstered the bilateral relations between the two countries.[32] Such deepening rapport was soon institutionalized through the mutual exchange of ambassadors. Egypt thus opened its embassy in Accra in November 1957,[33] appointed Mr. Nabih Abdelhamid as its first ambassador,[34] who arrived in Ghana in February 1958.[35] In turn, Ghana formally recognized the United Arab Republic and its president, Jamal Abdennasser, dispatching Dr. Joseph E. Armah, as its first ambassador to Cairo.[36]
The strength of Egyptian-Ghanaian relations was further demonstrated through reciprocal state visits. Amon the most significant was Kwame Nkrumah’s visit to Cairo in June 1958,[37] during which he witnessed Egypt’s post-revolutionary achievements and held substantive discussions with Abdennasser in bilateral, regional, and international questions.[38] The visit affirmed a broader convergence of outlook between the two leaders[39] and marked the beginning of a new phase of cooperation encompassing political, economic, and cultural fields.[40] Nkrumah was reportedly moved by the enthusiastic reception he received from the Egyptian public—admired as an African leader who had secured his nation’s independence from British colonial rule—particularly at a time when Egyptians themselves were still emerging from their confrontation with Britain during the Suez Crises of late 1956.[41]
Equally noteworthy was President Jamal Abdennasser’s return visit to Accra in October 1965, following an African summit. During that visit, he toured the Volta Dam, one of the continent’s most ambitious development projects. That same day he also hosted a reception in honor of President Nkrumah and his wife, during which he conferred upon Nkrumah the Order of the Nile and upon Mrs. Fatiha Nkrumah the Order of Al-Kamal [Perfection], of the first class. The discussion between the two leaders reaffirmed their alignment on both regional and international matters. Abdennasser’s visit also elicited an immense popular welcome, particularly in the Sambo district—home to a branch of the Ashanti people, where he was ceremonially crowned with a chieftaincy headdress and presented with a traditional wooden stool. The visit further enhanced his stature as an Africain statesman who is deeply respected by the peoples of the continent.[42]
Through such interactions, the two nations were able to thwart all attempts to sow discord and dissension between them. Indeed, just as the colonial powers had previously attempted to prevent the establishment of relations between the two states, they now diligently worked to undermine their continuity, whether through colonial propaganda aimed at fostering rivalry and conflict between their leaders, or through covert operations designed to destabilize the prospects of fruitful cooperation between them.[43] Yet, the two countries stood firm against all such attempts, making it impossible for colonial powers to infiltrate and dismantle their bilateral relations.[44]
The increasing robust relationship between Egypt and Ghana was not confined to the bilateral level; it extended to the realm of collaborative action for the liberation of the African continent. This cooperation was readily seen in the coordination between the two countries within regional and international organizations and conferences. On the African unity front, both nations contributed significantly to the Conference of Independent African States in Accra in April 1958,[45] the All-African Peoples’ Conference in Accra in December 1958,[46] the Casablanca Conference in January 1961,[47] and the summits of the Organization of African Unity in Addis-Ababa (1963), Cairo (1964), and Accra (1965).[48] The strong ties between the two countries were also apparent within the framework of the Non-Aligned Movement conferences and the UN General Assembly sessions.[49] Through their solid relationship, the two nations managed to amplify the power of the revolution in the Third World within international organizations, advocating for the principles of peaceful co-existence worldwide. Furthermore, their clear mutual understanding enabled them to coordinate on issues pertaining to African and Arab liberation—which were pivotal issues in the struggle against colonialism.[50]
Both Jamal Abdennasser and Kwame Nkruma believed in the ideology of unity and strove to implement it. Accordingly, in February 1958, Abdennasser announced the union of Egypt and Syria, under the name “the United Arab Republic,” a development which resonated in Africa due to Egypt’s geopolitical position. In November of the same year, Nkrumah announced the union of Ghana and Guinea under the name “the Union of Independent African States,” leaving the door open for other African nations to join. Egypt welcomed this step, though Western newspapers claimed that the union was indeed directed against Abdennasser’s leadership in Africa. Abdennasser responded by affirming that his goal was to support Africa’s independence and the unity of its peoples, rejecting these claims, which he described as colonial attempts to sow discord and to undermine the spirit of solidarity among African leaders.[51] The Egyptian leadership also supported Nkrumah’s continental project to establish a United African Government, a project that was naturally opposed by colonial powers and their client regimes.[52]
It has been demonstrated that British colonialism facilitated Israeli infiltration into Ghana, effectively making Israel a “cat’s paw” for colonial forces within the country. This was achieved through political cooperation predicated on economic and technical aid, designed to project an image of a partner working in the interests of the nascent state. However, over the years, Egypt succeeded in unveiling Israel’s true nature to the Ghanaian leadership, and by the same token, in effecting a regression in Ghanaian-Israeli cooperation, beginning with the Casablanca Conference in January 1961 and continuing until 1966.[53]
Egypt’s and Ghana’s success in exposing and thwarting colonialist schemes unsettled Western powers, particularly when the two partners also contributed to the frustration of similar imperial projects in Africa and in the broader Third World. In retaliation, colonial powers orchestrated a coup d’état against Nkrumah on February 24, 1966, and fomented a setback in Egypt on June 5, 1967, for the purpose of undermining Abdennasser’s leadership role. As a result, the pillars of solidarity between the two nations gave in, creating a void which paved the way for the resurgence of colonial influence. The period spanning 1966-1967 came to be referred to as the “Year of Setbacks,” in the Third World, ushering a marked regression in the momentum of liberation movements, in the wake of Nkrumah’s ouster and serious weakening of Abdennasser’s stature.[54]
Economic Relations between Egypt and Ghana
It has been established that colonial powers would never have permitted full-fledged cooperation between Egypt and Ghana in this area. When Britain granted independence to Ghana, it intended that independence to remain nominal, ensuring continued British and Western control over the economic resources of a newly emerging state such as Ghana. In a bid to obstruct any further economic, commercial, or technical collaboration between Ghana and Egypt, Britain facilitated Israel’s access to Ghana by removing all obstacles to its activities in these spheres. In the face of this, the Egyptian leadership deemed it its national duty to confront the Western blockade imposed upon the newly independent African state of Ghana.[55]
Egypt’s response to Western attempts to prevent it from establishing economic, commercial, and technical relations with Ghana was made equally clear. Availing itself of the Ghanaian government’s expressed desire for cooperation, Egypt moved with remarkable swiftness and determination to establish close relations with Accra. Thus began a phase of effective trade-cooperation between the two countries, grounded in mutual benefits and formalized through a series of treaties and agreements. The first trade agreement between the Ghanaian Government and the Government of the United Arab Republic was signed on January 13, 1959[56]; a new agreement followed on May 31, 1961[57], accompanied by a protocol on April 8, 1962 [58]; and subsequent protocols were signed on March 1965 [59] and January 9, 1966.[60] This commercial cooperation developed progressively, in parallel with the enhancement of political ties between the two states. The same spirit of collaboration was also reflected in the economic and technical spheres, where Egypt and Ghana worked together in an exemplary fashion to advance their shared aspirations for economic progress—particularly in Ghana, and, more broadly, across Africa. Thus, on January 1966[61] the two partners signed an agreement for technical cooperation which extended to cover other vital sectors, such as transportation, communication, and military and security cooperation.[62] Through these initiatives, Egypt played a prominent role in liberating the Ghanaian economy and, consequently, in shoring up Ghana’s political and economic independence.[63]
The two nations worked together to liberate the African economy. Accordingly, through their successful bilateral relations, Egypt and Ghana collaborated to combat neocolonialism on the continent, to achieve economic independence for all African peoples, and to foster economic cooperation among independent African states. To this end, they exposed the methods of neocolonial infiltration and economic hegemony. Despite the difficulty of the mission, their efforts were poised for success, but the setback of revolutions in the Third World, at large, ultimately shattered all aspirations for African economic liberation.[64]
Furthermore, the relationship between the two countries served to establish national development projects in Africa, generally, and in Ghana, specifically. The financing of the Aswān high dam in Egypt directly influenced the funding of Ghana’s Volta River dam. Funding for both projects became an instrument of political pressure exercised by the United States on the two countries. However, Egypt’s experience with financing from 1955 to 1958 prompted the United States to fund the Volta River project, lest the Soviet Union should step in to finance it and thereby extend its influence into Africa, just as it had previously done in the Middle East, following its funding of the Aswān high dam. The move enabled Ghana to make a step forth towards the attainment of genuine independence.[65]
Egypt effectively undermined Israel’s economic foothold in Ghana, a presence originally facilitated by Britain in the wake of Ghana’s independence in 1957. Through trade and technical cooperation, Israel had cultivated an image of a country acting in Ghana’s interests. Cairo, however, moved decisively to sever these commercial and technical links, replacing Israeli involvement with a robust Egyptian presence and forging connections, with the Soviets providing alternative technical expertise. As a result, Egyptian-Ghanaian trade thrived in inverse proportion to Ghana’s trade with Israel, marking a decisive victory for Egypt in its economic contest with colonial powers on the African stage.[66] This hard-won cooperation, however, stared to decline after President Kwame Nkrumah was ousted in February 1966—an event that triggered a broader retreat of Egyptian influence across the whole Continent. The collapse of this partnership ultimately served the interests of the colonial powers, successfully stifling a united front against their economic dominance.[67]
Cultural Relations between Egypt and Ghana
Egypt’s cultural diplomacy in Ghana faced staunch resistance from colonial powers, namely Britain, the United States, and Israel, who viewed Cairo’s influence as a threat to their own in West Africa. Undeterred, Egypt successfully penetrated this barrier. By capitalizing on deep-seated cultural and historical affinities—such as the resonances between ancient Egyptian civilization and Ghana’s Akan Kingdoms—Egypt forged a strong cultural connection. Its diplomats and experts were embraced with widespread popular enthusiasm, a reception bolstered by a shared reverence for the two countries’ national leaders which solidified a meaningful and appreciated cultural presence.[68]
The persona of Jamal Abdennasser constituted a refined cultural bridge between Egypt and Ghana. In fact, the Ghanaians came to perceive him as an exceptional leader who withstood colonial powers, particularly following his resounding victory in the 1956 Suez Canal Crisis. His influence extended beyond Egypt’s borders, positioning him as a symbol of liberation and dignity in the consciousness of the Third World. The profound admiration was vividly demonstrated during his historic visit to Ghana in October 1965, where he was received with immense fervor. President Kwame Nkrumah was visibly brimming with pride as he accompanied him to official ceremonies, notably when Abdennasser bestowed the Order of the Nile upon him and the Order of Perfection upon his wife. The crowning of Abdennasser with the title “King of Africa,” by the Ashanti people was, likewise, a pivotal moment in the Ghanaian people’s collective memory, a symbolic act through which the continent expressed its deep appreciation for his visionary leadership.[69]
In like manner, the figure of Kwane Nkrumah served as a focal point for popular solidarity between the two nations. After Abdennasser affirmed the centrality of African identity within the philosophy of the Egyptian revolution, the Egyptian public turned its attention with growing interest towards the affairs of the continent and its leaders. Egyptians thus drew symbolic parallels between their triumph in the 1956 Suez Crisis and Ghana’s independence from British rule in 1957, which fostered their esteem for Nkrumah as a fellow icon of anti-colonial struggle. Upon the announcement of his visit to Cairo in June 1958, the Egyptian media launched a major campaign highlighting his struggle against colonialism and racism, his embrace of socialist ideas, and his political independence from the West, all of which endeared him to the Egyptian populace.[70] Furthermore, his marriage to an Egyptian woman deepened the fraternal bonds between the two peoples, transforming the relationship from a political alliance into a genuine and profound affinity.[71]
The robust cultural ties between Egypt and Ghana were characterized by sincere intent and reciprocal cooperation. Ghana facilitated the entry of Egyptian culture by establishing an Egyptian Cultural Centre in the country and hosting influential personalities.[72] Egypt, in turn, contributed to Ghana’s educational advancement through the dispatch of teachers, the award of scholarships, and the organization of academic missions.[73] Al-Azhar, likewise, played a particularly notable role, offering scholarships to Muslims, dispatching emissaries, and founding religious schools for the purpose of serving Ghana’s community of Muslims, which exceeded one million.[74] These efforts were not unilateral; Ghana participated actively, notably in the preservation of the African heritage [75] and in the collaborative endeavor to re-examine its narrative with Egypt.[76] Their cooperation in media proved to be successful in countering Western and Zionist propaganda targeting Abdennasser, while Ghana concurrently cultivated a positive image of him for the Egyptian and Ghanaian public, alike.[77] A significant achievement consisted in terminating the Israeli cultural presence in Ghana; there, the Egyptian embassy’s on-going monitoring activities and countermeasures culminated in the dissolution of Israeli cultural work in Ghana.[78] The Egyptian counteroffensive was so dynamic and potent that it provoked consternation within the British government itself, which conceded the impossibility of matching its escalating momentum.[79]
The present study has demonstrated that the successful bilateral relation between Egypt and Ghana was contingent upon the leadership and shared vision of Jamal Abdennasser and Kwame Nkrumah. Their strong personal friendship and common revolutionary commitment to peaceful co-existence and the exigency of liberating Africa and the Arab world were foundational, indeed. The findings have likewise revealed a relationship marked not by competition, but rather by synergy and complementarity, thereby brushing aside Western propaganda’s depiction of a rivalry between the two leaders for continental hegemony—a claim which has been discredited also by archival records.
Furthermore, the foregoing analysis has shown that Egypt perceived its partnership with Ghana as being integral to its own national security strategy, especially in the context of Nile River politics. This alliance served as a bulwark against Israeli influence from the West and helped to mitigate American and British encroachment in Africa. Moreover, the said alliance garnered crucial international support within the United Nations and served to secure access to raw materials for Egypt’s industrial development, thereby establishing the Egypt-Ghana cooperation as a cornerstone of Egyptian national security.
Osama Abdel Tawab Mohamed Abdel Azim is Associate Professor of Modern and Contemporary History, Faculty of African Postgraduate Studies, Cairo University, Egypt.
Translated from Arabic into English by Saber El Asri