Introduction:
Arab-African relations have evolved significantly over time, founded as they have been on mutual benefits and shared interests. While their importance has been constant for both parties, the nature of that significance has shifted across different historical eras. In the modern age, these bonds have been strengthened by a common cause and destiny: confronting European colonialism. This shared struggle, of course, necessitated unity and cooperation, first to expel the colonizer and then to prevent their return to Africa in any disguised form. As many nations achieved liberation in the twentieth century, newly independent states established coalitions to aid those still under the yoke of colonial rule. These efforts were facilitated by deep-seated historical ties, making Arab-African solidarity both a feasible and natural development. Which is why the history of Arab-African relations is a vital dimension of African history itself and of human history, alike.

Between 1957 and 1966, Egyptian-Ghanaian relations epitomized the spirit of Arab-African cooperation. Under Gamal Abdenasser, Egypt assumed a pioneering role in the struggle against colonialism. Having successfully expelled the British in 1956, broken the Western arms’ monopoly via the Czech arms’ deal, and rebuffed Western military alliances, Egypt helped found the Non-Aligned Movement and nationalized the Suez Canal. From this position of strength, Cairo adopted a policy geared towards supporting colonized peoples, particularly in Africa. This involved backing southern liberation movements to secure the Nile’s waters, striving to free North Africa, and subsequently extending its liberatory efforts westward, despite the obstacles encountered. Ghana’s independence in 1957 presented a pivotal opportunity, allowing Egypt to forge a strong alliance with Accra as a milestone in its broader campaign aimed at achieving total liberation of Africa notwithstanding the challenges ahead.

Ghana achieved its independence on March 6, 1957, becoming the first sub-Saharan African nation to liberate itself from colonial rule. This independence, however, was largely nominal, as the country remained politically and economically bound to Western powers, notably Britain and the United States. To secure genuine autonomy and achieve comprehensive development, Kwame Nkrumah’s government recognized the necessity of confronting any pervasive Western influence. In Nasser’s Egypt, Ghana found an ideal partner, united as the two countries were by their shared experience of British colonialism and parallel revolutionary spirit. Consequently, Ghana committed to close cooperation with Egypt, while pursuing political and economic independence through a comprehensive partnership spanning to cover bilateral, regional, and international levels.

For this reason, during this period, Egyptian-Ghanaian relations were but one episode in the broader confrontation between the revolutionary forces in the Third World and colonial powers. In these relations, the principle of challenge/response was conspicuous. The course of relations unfolded as a dynamic political interaction between Egypt and Ghana, on the one hand, and the colonial powers, on the other—a sequence patterned on action, reaction, and counter-reaction. Within this context, our purpose in this paper resides in a discussion of the interaction between Nasserism and Nkrumaism in its simplest form, without delving into their philosophical underpinnings or ideological complexities. Such theoretical elaborations, in fact, started to emerge forcefully only after the demise of the two leaders, following the overthrow of Nkrumah’s regime in Ghana in February 1966 and the death of President Abdennasser in September 1970.

The Determinants of Egyptian-Ghanaian Relations:

The roots of the relationship between Egypt and Ghana go back to the period of British colonial rule. The first instance of cooperation occurred in 1924, when Egypt—at the request of the British authorities[1] —helped the Gold Coast contain an outbreak of rinderpest by supplying necessary vaccines.[2] This episode reflected the existence of early ties between the two countries, albeit under colonial supervision.[3]

The 1955 Bandung Conference marked the true beginning of Egyptian-Ghanaian relations. Egypt participated in the event as a full-fledged member,[4] while the Gold Coast attended simply as an observer[5] —its first significant move towards international recognition. The conference inspired Ghanaian leader Kwame Nkrumah to adopt a policy of non-alignment and to emulate such leaders as Nasser, Nehru, and Tito.[6] From that point onward, both Egyptian and Ghanaian leadership became increasingly aware of the importance of future cooperation in the pursuit of independence and development.[7]

Another determinant of the relationship was the strategic position of the two countries. Egypt’s position in the northeastern corner of Africa made it impossible for it to remain indifferent to events on the continent. As President Gamal Abdenasser once stated:

Can we ignore the fact that there exists a continent—Africa—into which destiny has placed us, and where a fierce struggle is raging over its future? This struggle will inevitably affect us, for better or worse, whether we like it or not. It is no coincidence that our country lies in the northeastern part of Africa, overlooking the Dark Continent, where the most intense struggle is presently taking place between the white colonizers and its black over its countless resources.[8]

Ghana’s geographical position also held considerable strategic significance for the Egyptian leadership. Bordered on the east, west, and north by French colonies and overlooking the Atlantic Ocean to the south, Ghana occupied a position that made it particularly valuable for Egypt as a means of exerting pressure on France to relax its colonial grip on Algeria.[9] At the same time, Ghana’s position made it a focal point of contention between the United States and the Soviet Union: Washington regarded it as a natural extension of its sphere of influence due to its former British colonial status, while Moscow sought to draw it into its orbit in Africa. Egypt thus recognized the importance of establishing some presence in Ghana, viewing it as a strategic gateway to expand its influence in West Africa and to counterbalance American influence in the region.[10]

The revolutionary élite in Egypt played a key role in shaping the country’s foreign policy, particularly after Nasser’s victory in the 1956 Suez Canal Crisis, which enabled him to shore up his relations with African liberation movements that regarded him as a powerful ally.[11] Abdenasser championed African causes and continued to challenge colonialism. Interestingly, in his book titled, The Philosophy of the Revolution, he articulated Egypt’s commitment to supporting liberation movements both materially and morally.[12] He also established special departments for African affairs, affirming that Egypt’s three policy spheres—Arab, African, and Islamic—were interrelated and mutually reinforcing, and that Africa had a vital role to play in resolving Middle-Eastern issues.[13] Following Ghana’s independence in March 1957, President Kwame Nkrumah called for the liberation of all African peoples, declaring that Ghana’s role did not end with its own independence but indeed extended to assisting others in their ongoing struggle. He insisted that Africans must demonstrate their capacity for self-governance and for building independent, unified states.[14] Moreover, he opened Ghana’s doors to all Africans and people of African descent, proclaiming it to be the homeland of the Black man—a place where they could, for the first time since slavery,[15] experience genuine freedom.

It was indeed through this convergence of historical experiences that the two leaders came to regard one another with admiration. The Suez Crisis first drew Nkrumah’s attention to President Jamal Abdennasser, while Ghana’s independence—as the first sub-Saharan African country to free itself from the yoke of British colonial rule—attracted Abdennasser’s attention to Nkrumah.[16] The most emblematic personal connection between the two was Nkrumah’s marriage to Fatiha Halim Rizk, an Egyptian woman, in December 1957, a union concluded with the knowledge and approval of the Egyptian leadership. President Abdennasser even dispatched a special envoy to attend the wedding and to bestow on Nkrumah the Order of the Nile. The British Governor-General noted that this marriage could serve to compensate for the late start in Egyptian-Ghanaian relations.[17] The event was a resounding surprise to the colonial powers in Africa, who realized that Egypt had indeed succeeded in establishing a strategic presence in newly-independent Ghana.[18]

Both leaders thus met on a common ideological groundsocialist orientation, revolutionary thought, and nationalist vision. Abdennasser and Nkrumah shared the conviction that socialism was the only system capable of providing their people with a decent life in the shortest possible time, for it entailed collective ownership of the means of production—that is, land and resources—and the use of those means for the benefit of the people, at large.[19] Revolutionary ideology, likewise, remained a unifying force in the relations between the two countries, as both leaders asserted that a revolutionary approach to the liberation of Africa was essential in confronting imperialism across the continent.[20] As for nationalism, it served as another foundation of Egyptian-Ghanaian relations. At the beginning of the July 1952 Revolution, Abdennasser emphasized Egypt’s Arab identity, affirming that Arab nationalism was the cornerstone of its regional engagement—the first sphere of its political orientation—followed respectively by African and Islamic spheres. Nkrumah, by contrast, operated within a single framework: Pan-Africanism. Consequently, Egyptian-Ghanaian relations became a vivid example of the convergence between Arab and African nationalisms, with both leaders viewing the interaction between them as a decisive factor in the confrontation of Western colonial powers.[21]

They were likewise bound by a shared aspiration to realize a set of common goals and ideals. Foremost among these was the attainment of independence for all the nations on the African continent. In his Philosophy of the Revolution, Jamal Abdennasser stated that Egypt could not remain an idle observer in the face of colonial domination in Africa, declaring: “if I then turn to the second sphere—the sphere of the African continent—without elaboration or prolixity: that we cannot in any way—even if we so desired—stand aloof from the terrible and bloody conflicts raging today in the heart of Africa between five million whites and two hundred million Africans.”[22] For his part, Kwame Nkrumah, upon Ghana’s attainment of independence on March 6, 1957, proclaimed that this historic event filled the peoples of Africa with boundless joy and jubilation, for Ghana was the first Black nation in sub-Saharan Africa to achieve sovereignty.[23] Such an achievement served as a powerful catalyst, inspiring other African peoples to pursue their own liberation. Nkrumah’s philosophy rested on the conviction that all African nations and peoples must unite so that the continent, as a whole, might attain freedom and progress. He asserted that specific shared factors bound the newly-independent African states to one another—which factors should impel them to cooperate and integrate in the pursuit of their common goals. These, he argued, would also shape Africa’s relationships with the wider world: the collective desire of independent nations to see Africa wholly free and sovereign; the determination of African states to conduct their foreign policies on the principles of non-alignment; and the urgent need for economic emancipation and development.[24]

Moreover, both Egypt and Ghana adopted the principle of non-alignment and positive neutrality, regarding it as the most suitable path for newly-independent African states, as it would allow them to express their positions on international issues freely and independently.[25] A third and central objective was the pursuit of African unity. Egypt sought to promote this unity as a means to resist European colonialism and to raise the challenges facing the continent. Nkrumah, by contrast, envisioned an even deeper form of Pan-Africanism; he went so far as to include in Ghana’s constitution a clause allowing for the voluntary cession of national sovereignty to a prospective African union. To advance his vision, Nkrumah collaborated with George Padmore, through their conception of unity diverged. Padmore advocated a federation confined to sub-Saharan Africa, whereas Nkrumah envisioned a continental union encompassing all of Africa, without any distinctions.[26] Egypt, for its part, viewed African unity as inseparable from Asian solidarity—particularly within the framework of the United Nations—given the shared struggles and aspirations of the two continents, whose alignment would strengthen their collective stance against Western imperialism.[27]

Political Relations between the Two States

In the aftermath of African independence, the colonial powers—foremost among them, Great Britain—sought to forestall the establishment of relations between Egypt and Ghana. They feared that an alliance between two revolutionary government might endanger their political and economic interests on the continent.[28] To that end, they erected barriers to communication between the two nations and bound Ghana within a network of direct ties to the West—particularly Britain, the United States, and Israel—thus securing its place within the Western sphere of influence.[29] In response, Egypt, under the leadership of Jamal Abdennasser, undertook deliberate efforts to breach this siege. It capitalized on the revolutionary orientation of Ghana’s ruling élite to cultivate firm and purposeful relations aimed at resisting colonial domination.[30] In so doing, Egypt successfully penetrated the British-imposed blockade and progressively contributed to the erosion of British influence in Ghana, despite London’s attempts to preserve it under the nominal framework of the Commonwealth.[31]

The leadership of both countries also succeeded in confronting the renewed colonial pressures that followed the proclamation of the United Arab Republic in February 1958—an event that even bolstered the bilateral relations between the two countries.[32] Such deepening rapport was soon institutionalized through the mutual exchange of ambassadors. Egypt thus opened its embassy in Accra in November 1957,[33] appointed Mr. Nabih Abdelhamid as its first ambassador,[34] who arrived in Ghana in February 1958.[35] In turn, Ghana formally recognized the United Arab Republic and its president, Jamal Abdennasser, dispatching Dr. Joseph E. Armah, as its first ambassador to Cairo.[36]

The strength of Egyptian-Ghanaian relations was further demonstrated through reciprocal state visits. Amon the most significant was Kwame Nkrumah’s visit to Cairo in June 1958,[37] during which he witnessed Egypt’s post-revolutionary achievements and held substantive discussions with Abdennasser in bilateral, regional, and international questions.[38] The visit affirmed a broader convergence of outlook between the two leaders[39] and marked the beginning of a new phase of cooperation encompassing political, economic, and cultural fields.[40] Nkrumah was reportedly moved by the enthusiastic reception he received from the Egyptian public—admired as an African leader who had secured his nation’s independence from British colonial rule—particularly at a time when Egyptians themselves were still emerging from their confrontation with Britain during the Suez Crises of late 1956.[41]

Equally noteworthy was President Jamal Abdennasser’s return visit to Accra in October 1965, following an African summit. During that visit, he toured the Volta Dam, one of the continent’s most ambitious development projects. That same day he also hosted a reception in honor of President Nkrumah and his wife, during which he conferred upon Nkrumah the Order of the Nile and upon Mrs. Fatiha Nkrumah the Order of Al-Kamal [Perfection], of the first class. The discussion between the two leaders reaffirmed their alignment on both regional and international matters. Abdennasser’s visit also elicited an immense popular welcome, particularly in the Sambo district—home to a branch of the Ashanti people, where he was ceremonially crowned with a chieftaincy headdress and presented with a traditional wooden stool. The visit further enhanced his stature as an Africain statesman who is deeply respected by the peoples of the continent.[42]

Through such interactions, the two nations were able to thwart all attempts to sow discord and dissension between them. Indeed, just as the colonial powers had previously attempted to prevent the establishment of relations between the two states, they now diligently worked to undermine their continuity, whether through colonial propaganda aimed at fostering rivalry and conflict between their leaders, or through covert operations designed to destabilize the prospects of fruitful cooperation between them.[43] Yet, the two countries stood firm against all such attempts, making it impossible for colonial powers to infiltrate and dismantle their bilateral relations.[44]

The increasing robust relationship between Egypt and Ghana was not confined to the bilateral level; it extended to the realm of collaborative action for the liberation of the African continent. This cooperation was readily seen in the coordination between the two countries within regional and international organizations and conferences. On the African unity front, both nations contributed significantly to the Conference of Independent African States in Accra in April 1958,[45] the All-African Peoples’ Conference in Accra in December 1958,[46] the Casablanca Conference in January 1961,[47] and the summits of the Organization of African Unity in Addis-Ababa (1963), Cairo (1964), and Accra (1965).[48] The strong ties between the two countries were also apparent within the framework of the Non-Aligned Movement conferences and the UN General Assembly sessions.[49] Through their solid relationship, the two nations managed to amplify the power of the revolution in the Third World within international organizations, advocating for the principles of peaceful co-existence worldwide. Furthermore, their clear mutual understanding enabled them to coordinate on issues pertaining to African and Arab liberation—which were pivotal issues in the struggle against colonialism.[50]

Both Jamal Abdennasser and Kwame Nkruma believed in the ideology of unity and strove to implement it. Accordingly, in February 1958, Abdennasser announced the union of Egypt and Syria, under the name “the United Arab Republic,” a development which resonated in Africa due to Egypt’s geopolitical position. In November of the same year, Nkrumah announced the union of Ghana and Guinea under the name “the Union of Independent African States,” leaving the door open for other African nations to join. Egypt welcomed this step, though Western newspapers claimed that the union was indeed directed against Abdennasser’s leadership in Africa. Abdennasser responded by affirming that his goal was to support Africa’s independence and the unity of its peoples, rejecting these claims, which he described as colonial attempts to sow discord and to undermine the spirit of solidarity among African leaders.[51] The Egyptian leadership also supported Nkrumah’s continental project to establish a United African Government, a project that was naturally opposed by colonial powers and their client regimes.[52]

It has been demonstrated that British colonialism facilitated Israeli infiltration into Ghana, effectively making Israel a “cat’s paw” for colonial forces within the country. This was achieved through political cooperation predicated on economic and technical aid, designed to project an image of a partner working in the interests of the nascent state. However, over the years, Egypt succeeded in unveiling Israel’s true nature to the Ghanaian leadership, and by the same token, in effecting a regression in Ghanaian-Israeli cooperation, beginning with the Casablanca Conference in January 1961 and continuing until 1966.[53]

Egypt’s and Ghana’s success in exposing and thwarting colonialist schemes unsettled Western powers, particularly when the two partners also contributed to the frustration of similar imperial projects in Africa and in the broader Third World. In retaliation, colonial powers orchestrated a coup d’état against Nkrumah on February 24, 1966, and fomented a setback in Egypt on June 5, 1967, for the purpose of undermining Abdennasser’s leadership role. As a result, the pillars of solidarity between the two nations gave in, creating a void which paved the way for the resurgence of colonial influence. The period spanning 1966-1967 came to be referred to as the “Year of Setbacks,” in the Third World, ushering a marked regression in the momentum of liberation movements, in the wake of Nkrumah’s ouster and serious weakening of Abdennasser’s stature.[54]

Economic Relations between Egypt and Ghana

It has been established that colonial powers would never have permitted full-fledged cooperation between Egypt and Ghana in this area. When Britain granted independence to Ghana, it intended that independence to remain nominal, ensuring continued British and Western control over the economic resources of a newly emerging state such as Ghana. In a bid to obstruct any further economic, commercial, or technical collaboration between Ghana and Egypt, Britain facilitated Israel’s access to Ghana by removing all obstacles to its activities in these spheres. In the face of this, the Egyptian leadership deemed it its national duty to confront the Western blockade imposed upon the newly independent African state of Ghana.[55]

Egypt’s response to Western attempts to prevent it from establishing economic, commercial, and technical relations with Ghana was made equally clear. Availing itself of the Ghanaian government’s expressed desire for cooperation, Egypt moved with remarkable swiftness and determination to establish close relations with Accra. Thus began a phase of effective trade-cooperation between the two countries, grounded in mutual benefits and formalized through a series of treaties and agreements. The first trade agreement between the Ghanaian Government and the Government of the United Arab Republic was signed on January 13, 1959[56]; a new agreement followed on May 31, 1961[57], accompanied by a protocol on April 8, 1962 [58]; and subsequent protocols were signed on March 1965 [59] and January 9, 1966.[60] This commercial cooperation developed progressively, in parallel with the enhancement of political ties between the two states. The same spirit of collaboration was also reflected in the economic and technical spheres, where Egypt and Ghana worked together in an exemplary fashion to advance their shared aspirations for economic progress—particularly in Ghana, and, more broadly, across Africa. Thus, on January 1966[61] the two partners signed an agreement for technical cooperation which extended to cover other vital sectors, such as transportation, communication, and military and security cooperation.[62] Through these initiatives, Egypt played a prominent role in liberating the Ghanaian economy and, consequently, in shoring up Ghana’s political and economic independence.[63]

The two nations worked together to liberate the African economy. Accordingly, through their successful bilateral relations, Egypt and Ghana collaborated to combat neocolonialism on the continent, to achieve economic independence for all African peoples, and to foster economic cooperation among independent African states. To this end, they exposed the methods of neocolonial infiltration and economic hegemony. Despite the difficulty of the mission, their efforts were poised for success, but the setback of revolutions in the Third World, at large, ultimately shattered all aspirations for African economic liberation.[64]

Furthermore, the relationship between the two countries served to establish national development projects in Africa, generally, and in Ghana, specifically. The financing of the Aswān high dam in Egypt directly influenced the funding of Ghana’s Volta River dam. Funding for both projects became an instrument of political pressure exercised by the United States on the two countries. However, Egypt’s experience with financing from 1955 to 1958 prompted the United States to fund the Volta River project, lest the Soviet Union should step in to finance it and thereby extend its influence into Africa, just as it had previously done in the Middle East, following its funding of the Aswān high dam. The move enabled Ghana to make a step forth towards the attainment of genuine independence.[65]

Egypt effectively undermined Israel’s economic foothold in Ghana, a presence originally facilitated by Britain in the wake of Ghana’s independence in 1957. Through trade and technical cooperation, Israel had cultivated an image of a country acting in Ghana’s interests. Cairo, however, moved decisively to sever these commercial and technical links, replacing Israeli involvement with a robust Egyptian presence and forging connections, with the Soviets providing alternative technical expertise. As a result, Egyptian-Ghanaian trade thrived in inverse proportion to Ghana’s trade with Israel, marking a decisive victory for Egypt in its economic contest with colonial powers on the African stage.[66] This hard-won cooperation, however, stared to decline after President Kwame Nkrumah was ousted in February 1966—an event that triggered a broader retreat of Egyptian influence across the whole Continent. The collapse of this partnership ultimately served the interests of the colonial powers, successfully stifling a united front against their economic dominance.[67]

Cultural Relations between Egypt and Ghana

Egypt’s cultural diplomacy in Ghana faced staunch resistance from colonial powers, namely Britain, the United States, and Israel, who viewed Cairo’s influence as a threat to their own in West Africa. Undeterred, Egypt successfully penetrated this barrier. By capitalizing on deep-seated cultural and historical affinities—such as the resonances between ancient Egyptian civilization and Ghana’s Akan Kingdoms—Egypt forged a strong cultural connection. Its diplomats and experts were embraced with widespread popular enthusiasm, a reception bolstered by a shared reverence for the two countries’ national leaders which solidified a meaningful and appreciated cultural presence.[68]

The persona of Jamal Abdennasser constituted a refined cultural bridge between Egypt and Ghana. In fact, the Ghanaians came to perceive him as an exceptional leader who withstood colonial powers, particularly following his resounding victory in the 1956 Suez Canal Crisis. His influence extended beyond Egypt’s borders, positioning him as a symbol of liberation and dignity in the consciousness of the Third World. The profound admiration was vividly demonstrated during his historic visit to Ghana in October 1965, where he was received with immense fervor. President Kwame Nkrumah was visibly brimming with pride as he accompanied him to official ceremonies, notably when Abdennasser bestowed the Order of the Nile upon him and the Order of Perfection upon his wife. The crowning of Abdennasser with the title “King of Africa,” by the Ashanti people was, likewise, a pivotal moment in the Ghanaian people’s collective memory, a symbolic act through which the continent expressed its deep appreciation for his visionary leadership.[69]

In like manner, the figure of Kwane Nkrumah served as a focal point for popular solidarity between the two nations. After Abdennasser affirmed the centrality of African identity within the philosophy of the Egyptian revolution, the Egyptian public turned its attention with growing interest towards the affairs of the continent and its leaders. Egyptians thus drew symbolic parallels between their triumph in the 1956 Suez Crisis and Ghana’s independence from British rule in 1957, which fostered their esteem for Nkrumah as a fellow icon of anti-colonial struggle. Upon the announcement of his visit to Cairo in June 1958, the Egyptian media launched a major campaign highlighting his struggle against colonialism and racism, his embrace of socialist ideas, and his political independence from the West, all of which endeared him to the Egyptian populace.[70] Furthermore, his marriage to an Egyptian woman deepened the fraternal bonds between the two peoples, transforming the relationship from a political alliance into a genuine and profound affinity.[71]

The robust cultural ties between Egypt and Ghana were characterized by sincere intent and reciprocal cooperation. Ghana facilitated the entry of Egyptian culture by establishing an Egyptian Cultural Centre in the country and hosting influential personalities.[72] Egypt, in turn, contributed to Ghana’s educational advancement through the dispatch of teachers, the award of scholarships, and the organization of academic missions.[73] Al-Azhar, likewise, played a particularly notable role, offering scholarships to Muslims, dispatching emissaries, and founding religious schools for the purpose of serving Ghana’s community of Muslims, which exceeded one million.[74] These efforts were not unilateral; Ghana participated actively, notably in the preservation of the African heritage [75] and in the collaborative endeavor to re-examine its narrative with Egypt.[76] Their cooperation in media proved to be successful in countering Western and Zionist propaganda targeting Abdennasser, while Ghana concurrently cultivated a positive image of him for the Egyptian and Ghanaian public, alike.[77] A significant achievement consisted in terminating the Israeli cultural presence in Ghana; there, the Egyptian embassy’s on-going monitoring activities and countermeasures culminated in the dissolution of Israeli cultural work in Ghana.[78] The Egyptian counteroffensive was so dynamic and potent that it provoked consternation within the British government itself, which conceded the impossibility of matching its escalating momentum.[79]

The present study has demonstrated that the successful bilateral relation between Egypt and Ghana was contingent upon the leadership and shared vision of Jamal Abdennasser and Kwame Nkrumah. Their strong personal friendship and common revolutionary commitment to peaceful co-existence and the exigency of liberating Africa and the Arab world were foundational, indeed. The findings have likewise revealed a relationship marked not by competition, but rather by synergy and complementarity, thereby brushing aside Western propaganda’s depiction of a rivalry between the two leaders for continental hegemony—a claim which has been discredited also by archival records.

Furthermore, the foregoing analysis has shown that Egypt perceived its partnership with Ghana as being integral to its own national security strategy, especially in the context of Nile River politics. This alliance served as a bulwark against Israeli influence from the West and helped to mitigate American and British encroachment in Africa. Moreover, the said alliance garnered crucial international support within the United Nations and served to secure access to raw materials for Egypt’s industrial development, thereby establishing the Egypt-Ghana cooperation as a cornerstone of Egyptian national security.

Osama Abdel Tawab Mohamed Abdel Azim is Associate Professor of Modern and Contemporary History, Faculty of African Postgraduate Studies, Cairo University, Egypt.

Translated from Arabic into English by Saber El Asri

[1] The National Archives of Egypt: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio no. 278, File no. 40/25/2, Document no. (1), subject: Letter from the Deputy of the Royal Crown in London to the Egyptian Ministry of Agriculture concerning a request for vaccines against rinderpest to be sent to the Gold Coast, dated Oct. 14, 1924

[2] The National Archives: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio no. 278, File no. 40/25/2, Document no. (15), subject: Letter from the Egyptian Ministry of Agriculture to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs regarding rinderpest serum to the Gold Coast, dated Dec. 1, 1924

[3] The National Archives: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio no. 278, File no. 40/25/2, Document no. (19), subject: Letter from the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the Ministry of Agriculture regarding rinderpest serum to the Gold Coast, dated May 20, 1925.

[4] Shawqi Al-Jammāl, التضامن الآسيوي الإفريقي وأثره في القضايا العربية (or, Asian-African Solidarity and its Impact on Arab Causes, (General Egyptian Organization for Authorship, Information, and Publishing), (Cairo: Egyptian House for Authorship and Translation, 1964), pp. 13-52

[5] Kwame Nkrumah, “Movement for Colonial Freedom,” Phylon 1940-1956, Vol. 16, no. 4, Clarck Atlanta University, 1955, p. 409.

[6] Scott W. Thompson, Ghana’s Foreign Policy, 1957-1966: Diplomacy, Ideology, and the New State, (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1969), p. 17.

[7] The Economist, Saturday, April 16, 1955, (The Economist Newspaper Limited).

[8] Jamal Abdenasser,  الفلسفة والثورة(or, The Philosophy of the Revolution( (Beirut: Beit Al-Arab for Contemporary Documentation, 1996), pp. 111-112.

[9] Mohamed Faeq, عبد الناصر والثورة الإفريقية (Abdenasser and the African Revolution), 4th Edition, (Cairo: Dar Al-Mustaqbal Al-Araby, 2022), p. 44

[10] John Robert, “Ghana, One Year After,” Africa Today, Vol. 5, no. 1 (Indiana University Press, 1958), p. 7

[11] Mohamed Fayeq, Op. Cit., p. 28

[12] Issam Mohsen Al-Jibouri, العلاقات العربية الإفريقية، 1961-1977 (Arab-African Relations, 1961-1977), (Baghdad: Al-Rasheed Publishing House, 1981), p. 110

[13] Mazrui, Ali A., “Black Africa and the Arabs,” Foreign Affairs, Vol. 35, no. 4 (Council on Foreign Relations, July 1975), p. 727

[14] Nkrumah, Kwame, “On Freedom’s Stage,” Africa Today, Vol. 4, no. 2 (Indiana University Press, March-April, 1957), p. 9

[15] Russel Warren Howe, “Gold Coast into Ghana,” The Phylon Quarterly, Vol. 18, no. 2, (Clark Atlanta University, 1957), p. 160

[16] For more on the intellectual and strategic convergence of Abdennasser and Nkrumah, see Ahmed Youssef Al-Qarai,  رؤية عبد الناصر ونكروما لتحرير إفريقيا—دراسة مقارنة“The Visions of Abdennasser and Nkrumah for the Liberation of Africa—A Comparative Study,” in Abdennasser and After, Arab Issues Journal (Cairo: The Arab Foundation for Research and Publishing, 1pril 1980), pp. 224-229.

[17] The National Archives of Egypt: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio no 867, file no. 55 Accra, Document no. 75, regarding an article published in local newspapers, quoting the American Time magazine, concerning the marriage of the Prime Minister of Ghana to an Egyptian Woman, Top Secret, March 15, 1958.

[18] Ossama Abdetawwab Mohamed, Relations between Egypt and Ghana, 1957-1966, African Research Series, no. 2, (Cairo: National Library and Archives of Egypt), pp. 48-55.

[19] For more on Nkrumak’s socialist thought, see: “Kwame Nkrumah: Some Aspects of African Socialism,” in the book titled African Socialism, edited by William H. Friedland and Carl G. Roseberg, translated into Arabic by Rasheed Al-Barawi and Mahmoud El-Sayed Mohamed (Cairo: Al-Nahda Al-Arabia Publishing, 1966), pp. 247-253.

[20] For more perspectives of both Abdennasser and Nkrumah on the liberation of the continent, please see Ahmed Youssef Al-Qarai, “The Visions of Abdennasser and Nkrumah for the Liberation of Africa—A Comparative Study,” cited above.

[21] See Ossama Abdetawwab Mohamed, Op.Cit., p. 57

[22] Jamal Abdennasser, Op. Cit., p. 112

[23] Akyampong, Emmanuel and Amade-Graft Aikins, “Ghana at Fifty: Reflections on Independence and after,” Transition, no 98, Indiana University Press, 2008, p. 26

[24] Nkrumah, Kwame, “African Prospect,” Foreign Affairs, Vol. 37, no. 1 (Council on Foreign Relations, 1958), p. 46

[25] The National Archives of Egypt, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, new confidential archive, Portfolio no. 867, file no. 55, Accra, Document no. 157, regarding the discussion of Ghana’s foreign policy in the Ghanaian Parliament, August 5, 1957.

[26] Tunteng, P. Kevin, “George Padmore’s Impact on Africa: A Critical Appraisal,” Phylon, Vol. 35, no. 1, (Clark Atlanta University, 1947), p. 44

[27] The National Archives (UK), D.O 35/9337—GHA 190/120/1-No. 5, Inward Telegram from the UK High Commissioner in Ghana to the Commonwealth Relations Office, May 17, 1957.

[28] Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, Vol. XIII, Telegram from the Consulate General in Accra to the Department of State, February 12, 1958, p, 368.

[29] The National Archives (UK), D.O 35/9337-GHA 190/122/1-No. 1, Telegram from the UK High Commissioner in Ghana to the Commonwealth Relations Office, May 4, 1957; and D.O 35/9337—GHA 190/122/1—No. 2 Telegram from the Commonwealth Relations Office to the UK High Commissioner in Ghana, May 9, 1957; and D.O 35/9337-GHA 190/122/1-No. 4, Telegram from the UK High Commissioner in Ghana to the Commonwealth Relations Office, May 10 1957.

[30] The National Archives (UK) D.O 35/9337-GHA 190/120/1-No. 7, Telegram from the Office of the High Commissioner for the United Kingdom in Ghana to the Commonwealth Relations Office, September 13, 1957; D.O 35/9337-GHA 190/122/1-No. 24, Extract—Brief Formulate from the High Commissioner of Ghana to the Commonwealth Relations Office, February 12, 1958.

[31] United Arab Republic, Council of Ministers, Minutes of the Meeting of the President of the Republic with the Ministers, December 17, 1961.

[32] The National Archives of Egypt, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio no. 867, File no. 55, Accra, Document no. 11, regarding the Meeting of the Egyptian Ambassador with the Prime Minister of Ghana, Top Secret, March 15, 1958.

[33] Al-Ahram newspaper, issued dated November 8, 1957.      

[34] The National Archives (UK), D.O 35/9337—GHA 190/122/1—No. 12, Press Release: Exchange of Diplomatic Missions between Ghana and Egypt, November 7, 1957.

[35] The National Archives (UK) D.O 35/9337—GHA 190/122/1—No 23, Extract—Ghana’s Fortnightly Summary, February 15, 1958.

[36] The National Archives (UK), D.O 35/9337—GHA 190/122/1—No. 34, Article in the Daily Graphic newspaper, April 3, 1958.

[37] The National Archives of Egypt, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio no. 867, file no. 55 Accra, Doc. No. 114, regarding the Visit of Dr, Nkrumah, Prime Minister of Ghana, and his delegation to Cair0, Top Secret, May 22, 1958.

[38] The National Archives (UK) D.O 35/9337—GHA 190/122/1—No. 54, Press Release from Ghana Information Services, Accra, Subject: Premier’s Tour of Independent African States, June 17, 1958.

[39] The National Archives (UK) D.O 35/9337—GHA 190/122/1—No. 54, Press Release from Ghana Information Services, Accra, Subject: Premier’s Tour of Independent African States, June 17, 1958.

[40] The National Documents House, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio no. 867, file no. 55 Accra, Doc. No. 141, regarding the Speech by Dr. Nkrumah, Prime Minister of Ghana, broadcast on the radio, following his return from his tour of independent African states, July 8 1958.

[41] For further details on Nkrumah’s visit to Cairo in June 1958, see: Ossama Abdetawwab Mohamed, Op. Cit., pp. 112-115.

[42] The National Archives (UK), F.O 371/183902—No. VG103213/1—Report from Accra to the Foreign Office. Subject: Political Relations, Ghana State Visit by President Nasser 1965, October 30, 1965.

[43] The National Archives of Egypt: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio no. 867, File (55) Accra, Document no. 88, regarding the adjournment of the current parliamentary session on June 25 and the opening of the new parliamentary session on July 1, 1958, confidential, dated July 2, 1958.

[44] Mohamed Fayeq, Op. Cit., p. 159

[45] Colin Legum, Pan-Africanism: A Short Political Guide, translated by Ahmed Mohamed Soleiman, reviewed by Abdelmalek Ouda, (Cairo, the Egyptian House for Publication and Translation, 1966), pp. 51-52. See also, “The Accra Conference,” Africa Today, Vol. 5, No. 3 (May and June, 1958), Indiana University Press, pp. 9-10.

[46] Shawqy El-Jamal, الوحد الإفريقية ومراحل تطورها: من مؤتمر أكرا لسنة 1958 حتى مؤتمر تنمية الصناعة الإفريقي الأول بالقاهرة 1966 (or, African Unity and Its Stages of Development: From the Accra Conference of 1958 to the 1966 First African Industrial Development Conference in Cairo), (Cairo: The National Printing and Publishing House, 1966), pp. 17-19

[47] Boutros Boutros-Ghali, International Relations within the Framework of the Organization of African Unity, (Cairo: The Anglo-Egyptian Bookshop, 1974), pp. 21-26.

[48] Essam Mohsen Al-Jibouri, Arab-African Relations, Op. Cit., p. 322. See also, Reda Khalifa, “The African Summit Conference in Accra,” Al-Siyassa Al-Dawliya (International Politics) Journal, Issue No. 3 (Cairo: Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, 1966), pp. 157-161.

[49] Mazrui, Ali. A, “Africa and the Egyptians’ Four Circles,” African Affairs, Vol. 63, No. 251 (Oxford: OUP, April 1964), p. 131. See also, Jack Homer A. “The Belgrade Ballet,” Africa Today, Vol. 8, No. 8 (Indiana University Press, October 1961), p. 12.

[50] Mohamed Fayeq, Op. Cit., pp. 124-170

[51] Mohamed Fayeq, Op. Cit., pp. 124-170

[52] Ahmed Yusuf Al-Qarai, “The Vision of Nasser and Nkrumah for the Liberation of Africa,” Op. Cit., pp. 237-238

[53] National Archives of Egypt: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 867, File No. (55) Accra, Document No. (75)—a previously cited document. See also National Archives of Egypt: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 867, File No. (55) Accra, Document No. (48), regarding the visit of Dr. Nkrumah, Prime Minister of Ghana, to Israel and the denial of the news. Confidential, April 2, 1958. D.) 35/9337—GHA 190/122/1—No. 55, Letter from the British Embassy in Tel Aviv to the Foreign Office—June 24, 1958. Likewise, see Levey, Zach, “The Rise and Decline of a Special Relationship: Israel and Ghana, 1957-1966,” African Studies Review, Vol. 46, No. 1 (African Studies Association, April 2003), pp. 157-158.

[54] Magdi Abduh Hamad,  المؤسسة العسكرية ونماذج بناء التنمية السياسية في إفريقيا مع دراسة الدور السياسي للعسكريين في غانا، 1966-1969  (or, The Military Institution and Models of Political Development-building in Africa, with a Study of the Political Role of the Military in Ghana, 1966-1969), a Master’s Thesis (Cairo University, Faculty of Economics and Political Sciences, 1976), pp. 185-243. See also Lotfy El-Kholy, The Setback Year in the Third World, (Cairo: Cairo for Arab Culture, 1975), pp. 13-76. See also, Sami Mansour, The Setback of the Revolution in the Third World, (Beirut: The Arab Foundation for Research and Publishing, 1972), p. 74. And finally: Nkrumah, Kwame, Dark Days in Ghana (Third Edition) (London: Panaf Book Ltd., 1970), p. 49.

[55] Lorch, Natenal, “Israel and African States,” Journal of Educational Sociology, Vol. 36, No. 8, (American Sociological Association, April 1963), p. 380. National Archives of Egypt: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 545, File No. 140/123/3, Part 4, regarding trade exchanges between Israel and some Asian and African countries, 8 March 1959. National Archives of Egypt: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 867, File No. (55) Accra, Document No. (42), regarding the establishment of a company between the Government of Ghana and Israel, 26 March 1958. National Archives of Egypt: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 563, File No. 140/123/13, Part 5, regarding a Report from the Embassy of the Syrian Republic in Cairo on the Ghanaian government concluding an agreement with the Israeli construction company Solel Boneh, February 3, 1958. National Archives of Egypt: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 563, File No. 140/123/13, Part 5, regarding a Report by the Regional Office for the Boycott of Israel on the signing of an agreement to establish the joint shipping company [Black Star Line] between the Israeli shipping company [Zim] and representatives of the Ghanaian government, 10 October 1957. National Archives of Egypt: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 563, File No. 140/123/13, Part 5, concerning a statement by Mr. Zoé-Hermann, Director of the joint Ghana-Israel Black Star Line shipping company, 30 December 1957.

[56] D.O 35/9328 – GHA 185/122/1 – No. 10—Press Release by the Ghanaian Government, Subject: Ghana Trade Mission to the United Arab Republic – December 8, 1958. D.O 35/9328 – GHA 185/122/1 – No. 15 –Press Release from the Ghanaian Government, Subject: Ghana / United Arab Republic Trade Agreement, January 14, 1959. United Arab Republic, The Official Gazette, Trade Agreement between the Government of the United Arab Republic and the Government of Ghana, Issue No. 148, July, 18 1959.

[57] United Arab Republic, The Official Gazette: Trade and Payment Agreement between the Government of the United Arab Republic and the Government of Ghana in May 31, 1961, Issue No. 83, dated April 11, 1963, p. 532.

[58] United Arab Republic, The Official Gazette: Protocol No. (1) appended to the Trade and Payment Agreement of May 31, 1961, signed on April 8, 1962, Issue No. 83, dated April 11, 1963, p. 537.

[59] United Arab Republic, The Official Gazette: Protocol No. (2) appended to the Trade and Payment Agreement, signed on March 18,, 1965, Issue No. 300, dated December 28, 1966, p. 1399.

[60] United Arab Republic, Al-Waqai’ Al-Misriyah (or, The Egyptian Official Gazette): Protocol No. (3) appended to the Trade and Payment Agreement between the Government of the United Arab Republic and the Government of the Republic of Ghana, signed on January 9, 1966, Issue No. 148, dated August 12, 1967, p. 2.

[61] The National Archives of Egypt: Cabinet Archive, Portfolio No. 52, Part 1 “Technical Cooperation Agreement between the Government of the United Arab Republic and the Government of the Republic of Ghana on January 9, 1966, Republican Decree No. 4259 of 1966, along with its explanatory memorandum.

[62] United Arab Republic: Agreement bearing on Postal Services between the Government of the United Arab Republic and the Government of the Republic of Ghana, The Official Gazette, Issue No. 161, July 19, 1960, p. 1425.

[63] National Archives of Egypt: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 867, File No. (55) Accra, Document No. (73), concerning the meeting between the Egyptian Ambassador in Ghana and the Ghanaian Minister of Agriculture, Top Secret, 13 March 1958. Likewise, see the National Archives of Egypt: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 867, File No. (55) Accra, Document No. (175), regarding the appointment of an agricultural attaché at the Egyptian Embassy in Accra, September 1, 1958.

[64] Osama Abdel Tawab Mohamed, مصر وفكرة تأسيس السوق الإفريقية المشتركة، 1961-1963 (or, “Egypt and the Idea of Establishing the African Common Market, 1961-1963”), Journal of African and Nile Basin Studies, (Berlin: Democratic Arabic Center), Vol. 4, No. 8, May 2020, pp. 247–270. See also: Kwame Nkrumah, Neocolonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism, translated into Arabic by Abdel Hamid Hamdi, (Cairo: Cairo Publishing House, 1966), pp. 283–302.

[65] Saudi, Mohammed Abdel Ghani , “The Volta Dam,” Journal of African Studies, No. 2, 1974. See also: Metzmeier, Kurt Xavier, John F. Kennedy, Ghana, and The Volta River Project: A Study in American Foreign Policy towards Neutralist Africa, (A Master's Thesis, University of Louisville, United States, 1982), pp. 69-70. See also: Anglin, Douglas G., “Ghana, The West, and The Soviet Union,” The Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, Vol. 24, No. 2, May 1958, pp. 158-159. In the same vein, see: The National Archives of Egypt, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 867, File No. (55) Accra, Document No. (35), concerning The Volta River Project, dated 28 August 1958. Lastly, see: Pedler, Fredrick, Main Currents of West African History 1940-1978, (London, 1979), p. 132.

[66] National Archives of Egypt, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 563, File No. 140/123/13 Pt. 5, regarding, “The Trade Agreement between Israel and Ghana,” 3 October 1957. See also: National Archives of Egypt, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 545, File No. 140/123/3 Pt. 4, regarding: “The Aid that Israel Could Provide to Africa,” 1 May 1960. See also: National Archives of Egypt, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 545, File No. 140/123/3 Pt. 2, regarding: “Statements by the Ghanaian Ambassador to Israel to a correspondent of the Ghana Times in London on Israel’s Economic Progress,” Top Secret, 24 January 1959. See also: National Archives of Egypt, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 563, File No. 140/123/13 Pt. 6, regarding, “The Ghanaian Trade Minister Announces Ghana’s Economic Program, including the Signing of a Trade Agreement with Israel and the Comment of the Arab Republic’s Embassy in Ghana Thereon,” Top Secret, 27 August 1958. See also: National Archives of Egypt, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 563, File No. 140/123/13 Pt. 5, regarding: “Observations of the Iraqi Embassy in New Delhi on Israeli Activity in Ghana,” 10 December 1957. See also: National Archives of Egypt, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 867, File No. (55) Accra, Document No. (42), concerning “The Blacklisting of the Black Star Line Shipping Company, Top Secret, 19 March 1958. See also: National Archives of Egypt, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Secret Archive, Portfolio No. 867, File No. (55) Accra, Document No. (16), regarding “The Activity of the Black Star Line Shipping Company,” 28 August 1958. See also: National Archives of Egypt, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 867, File No. (55) Accra, Document No. (122), concerning “An Israeli Company’s Intention to Invest in Rubber Plantations in Nigeria and Ghana,” Strictly Confidential, 30 May 1958. See also: National Archives of Egypt, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 867, File No. (55) Accra, Document No. (87), regarding, “The Establishment of a Joint Ghanaian-Israeli Construction Company,” Confidential, 30 June 1958.

[67] Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Report on “Israeli Aid in Africa,” 30 March 1961.

[68] Eva. R. Meyrowitz, The Divine Kingship in Ghana and Ancient Egypt, (London: Faber and Faber 1960). See also: The National Archives of Egypt, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio No. 867, File No. (55) Accra, Document No. (116), regarding “A Meeting between the Ambassador of the United Arab Republic in Accra and Dr. Nkrumah, Prime Minister of Ghana,” Top Secret, 24 May 1958. See also: Essam Al-Jabouri, العلاقات العربية الإفريقية، 1961-1977 Arab-African Relations 19611977, Op. Cit., pp. 395–397.

[69] Ossama Abdetawwāb Mohamed, Egyptian-Ghanaian Relations 1957–1966 (A Master’s Thesis, Institute of African Research and Studies, Cairo University, 2012), 327–28.

[70]  The National Archives (UK), D.O. 35/9337 – GHA 190/122/1 – No. 47, Letter from the British Embassy in Libya to the Foreign Office, and an article adapted from the Egyptian newspaper Al-Massa’ (or, The Evening), dated June 5, 1958.

[71] Ossama Abdetawwāb Mohamed, Egyptian-Ghanaian Relations, Op. Cit., 328–29.

[72] Egyptian National Archives, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio 867, File 55 (Accra), Document 123, regarding, “Cultural Cooperation with Ghana,” May 30, 1958; and The National Archives (UK), D.O. 35/9337 – GHA 190/122/1 – No. 89, Article in the Daily Telegraph, Subject: “Arab Republic’s Propaganda,” New Accra Centre, October 11, 1958.

[73] Egyptian National Archives, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive: Portfolio 370, File 80/101/1, Document 3, regarding, “The Invitation tendered to the Ghanaian Ministers of the Interior and Education to visit Egypt,” (Top Secret), February 12, 1958. Portfolio 370, File 80/101/1, Document 1, Correspondence from the Undersecretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the Undersecretary of the Ministry of Education regarding “The invitation sent to the Ghanaian Minister of Education to visit Egypt,” March 3, 1958. Portfolio 370, File 80/101/1, Document 4, Correspondence from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the Egyptian Embassy in Accra to invite the Ghanaian Ministers of Interior and of Education to visit Cairo, February 22, 1958. Portfolio 867, File 55 (Accra), Document 123, regarding: “Cultural Cooperation with Ghana,” May 30, 1958.

[74] Raja’ Ibrahim Salim, التبادل الطلابي بين مصر والدول الإفريقية في الفترة من 1952 إلى 1985 Student Exchange: Educational Exchange between Egypt and African Nations from 1952 to 1985 –A Study of an Instrument of Egyptian Foreign Policy (Center for Political Research and Studies, Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Cairo University, Cairo, 1989), pp. 62–64; and Shawqi `Atallah al-Jamal, الأزهر ودوره السياسي والحضاري في إفريقيا Al-Azhar and its Political and Civilizational Role in Africa (Documentation Center serving Modern Egyptian History, The Egyptian Book Authority, Cairo, 1988), p. 44; and Mahmoud Abbas Ahmed Abdel-Rahman, الأزهر وإفريقيا: دراسة وثائقية Al-Azhar and Africa: A Documentary Study (Al-Alamiya Publishing and Distribution, Cairo, 2004), pp. 168–69.

[75] The African Association Journal, no. 21, November 1963.

[76] The African Association Journal, no. 32, November 1964, 30.

[77] Egyptian National Archives, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio 867, File 55 (Accra): Document 148, regarding, “The Visit of Ashanti Leaders to the United Arab Republic,” (Top Secret and Urgent), July 26, 1958: Document 151, regarding “The Visit of Ashanti Leaders to the United Arab Republic” (Top Secret and Urgent), July 29, 1958. Document 171, regarding: “The Return of the Ashanti Chiefs from their visit to the United Arab Republic (Secret),” August 28, 1958. Document 183, regarding, “The United States Efforts to Attract Muslims in Ghana,” (Highly Confidential), September 15, 1958. Document 25, regarding, “The Hosting of Sir Arku Korsah, Chief Justice of Ghana, during his forthcoming visit to the United Arab Republic,” (Highly Confidential), October 20 1958. Document 38, regarding, “Conducting Necessary Propaganda in favor of the United Arab Republic during the African Conference,” (Highly confidential), March 18, 1958. Document 118, regarding, “The Invitation sent to Mr. Cofie, Editor-in-Chief of the Daily Graphic, bidding him to visit Cairo,” (Confidential), May 31, 1958. Document 27, regarding, “The Invitation tended to a Delegation of Ghanaian Journalists to visit the United Arab Republic,” (Top Secret and Urgent), October 17, 1958. Document 108, regarding “Mr. Issam Al-Khudari, Press Attaché from the State Information Service,” (Confidential), May 12, 1958. Document 139, regarding, “The Establishment of a New ‘Voice of America’ Radio Station,” (Highly confidential), October 28, 1958.

[78] Egyptian National Archives, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Confidential Archive, Portfolio 867, File 55 (Accra): Document 90, regarding: “Ghana’s Cultural Relations with Israel,” (Highly confidential), 2 July 1958. Document 37, concerning “Israeli Economic and Cultural Activity in Ghana,” (Highly confidential), March 18, 1958. Document 96, regarding, “The Establishment of a Maritime School in Accra with Israeli Assistance,” (Confidential), May 1, 1958. Document 129, concerning “The Establishment of a Maritime School in Ghana with Israeli Assistance,” (Confidential), June 6, 1958. Document 186, regarding: “The Establishment of a Naval College in Ghana with Israeli Assistance,” (Confidential), September 22, 1958. Document 100, concerning “A Pamphlet about Israel Currently on Sale in Ghana,” (Confidential), May 8, 1958.

[79] The National Archives (UK), D.O. 35/9337 – GHA 190/122/1 – No. 100, Letter from the Office of The High Commissioner for The United Kingdom in Accra to the Commonwealth Relations Office, January 30, 1959.